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This historical survey of Quakers in the United States and their responses to war from World War I through the Vietnam conflict demonstrates that Quakers' responses to war resulted from internal struggles and the influence of the state.
This historical survey of Quakers in the United States examines their responses to war during World War I, World War II, and the early Cold War, including the Korean and Vietnam conflicts, with particular focus on the social, political, legal, and theological aspects of the Quaker peace testimony. Quakers responded to these conflicts in a variety of ways, ranging from pacifism to support for military action. The boundaries and constraints of Quaker beliefs about violent conflict and the meaning of the peace testimony were determined by debates within the Religious Society of Friends. Isaac Barnes May asserts that Quakers' reactions to war in the twentieth-century should also be understood as closely related to Quakerism's relationship to state power. The choice to accommodate or resist government pressure worked alongside internal forces to shape Quakerism in the United States. Ultimately, May argues that there is no single pattern of Quaker response to modern war.
This book introduces readers to the life, thought, social activism and political conflicts of the Quaker intellectual and peace activist Henry Cadbury (1883-1974). Born into an established Orthodox Philadelphia Quaker family, Cadbury was among the most prominent Quaker intellectuals of his day. During his lifetime, he was well known as a contributor to one of the most important English translations of the Bible (the Revised Standard Version) and wrote scores of articles and books on the early history of Christianity and the history of the Society of Friends. He also had enormous influence over what may be the single best institutional instantiation of the Quaker commitment to nonviolence—the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), an organization Cadbury helped to found in 1917 and served throughout his long lifetime. When the AFSC was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1947, Cadbury was asked to accept the prize on its behalf.
This book investigates the historical context, meaning, and expression of early Quaker pacifism in England and its colonies. Weddle focuses primarily on one historical moment--King Philip's War, which broke out in 1675 between English settlers and Indians in New England. Among the settlers were Quakers, adherents of the movement that had gathered by 1652 out of the religious and social turmoil of the English Civil War. King Philip's War confronted the New England Quakers with the practical need to define the parameters of their peace testimony --to test their principles and to choose how they would respond to violence. The Quaker governors of Rhode Island, for example, had to reconcile their beliefs with the need to provide for the common defense. Others had to reconcile their peace principles with such concerns as seeking refuge in garrisons, collecting taxes for war, carrying guns for self-defense as they worked in the fields, and serving in the militia. Indeed, Weddle has uncovered records of many Quakers engaged in or abetting acts of violence, thus debunking the traditional historiography of Quakers as saintly pacifists. Weddle shows that Quaker pacifism existed as a doctrinal position before the 1660 crackdown on religious sectarians, but that it was a radical theological position rather than a pragmatic strategy. She thus convincingly refutes the Marxist argument that Quakers acted from economic and political, and not religious motives. She examines in detail how the Quakers' theology worked--how, for example, their interpretation of certain biblical passages affected their politics--and traces the evolution of the concept of pacifism from a doctrine that was essentially about protecting the state of one's own soul to one concerned with the consequences of violence to other human beings.
A Companion to the First World War brings together an international team of distinguished historians who provide a series of original and thought-provoking essays on one of the most devastating events in modern history. Comprises 38 essays by leading scholars who analyze the current state of historical scholarship on the First World War Provides extensive coverage spanning the pre-war period, the military conflict, social, economic, political, and cultural developments, and the war's legacy Offers original perspectives on themes as diverse as strategy and tactics, war crimes, science and technology, and the arts Selected as a 2011 Outstanding Academic Title by CHOICE
Includes Barnes, Bedell, Bowne, Brown, Carpenter, Cornell, Cruger, DeZeng, Dusenbury, Ferris, Field, Ford, Griffin, Gummere, Hallock, Haviland, Hunt, Ketcham, Kimble, Lawrence, Lowerre, Mott, Nelson, Norrington, Parsons, Pixley, Roesch, Rogers, Sampson, Schieffelin, Shotwell, Smith, Street, Thompson, Titus, Underhill, Vail, Vincent, Way, Weeks, White, Wood. S0000HB - $80.00
In the years of and around the First World War, American poets, fiction writers, and dramatists came to the forefront of the international movement we call Modernism. At the same time a vast amount of non- and anti-Modernist culture was produced, mostly supporting, but also critical of, the US war effort. A History of American Literature and Culture of the First World War explores this fraught cultural moment, teasing out the multiple and intricate relationships between an insurgent Modernism, a still-powerful traditional culture, and a variety of cultural and social forces that interacted with and influenced them. Including genre studies, focused analyses of important wartime movements and groups, and broad historical assessments of the significance of the war as prosecuted by the United States on the world stage, this book presents original essays defining the state of scholarship on the American culture of the First World War.
Cultural Writing. The story of how and why the Socialist Workers Party abandoned its revolutionary program is an important chapter in American history. The party was the inheritor of the ideas of the Russian Revolution and Leon Trotsky, but when the radical 1960s exploded the SWP was paralyzed by its ties to the most privileged sectors of labor and its ambivalent and wildly contradictory approach to people of color, youth, and women. Written in 1965 by partisans of the fight to reorient the party, CRISIS AND LEADERSHIP provides a visionary analysis of economic and political developments and a hard-hitting indictment of racism and sexism in the union movement and the Left.