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By examining major events in Asian security, this book investigates why and how leaders make risky and seemingly irrational decisions in international politics. The authors take the innovative step of integrating the neoclassical realist framework in political science and prospect theory in psychology. Their analysis suggests that political leaders are more likely to take risky actions when their vital interests and political legitimacy are seriously threatened. This pioneering book tests and expands prospect theory to the study of Asian security and challenges traditional, expected-utility-based, rationalist theories of foreign policy behavior.
This book provides an organized overview of the changing agenda of world politics since 1945, presenting economic and social issues where that seemed appropriate, even when little action was taken about them and exploring OPEC as an example of the use of producer associations.
This book argues that the invention of Asian American identities serves as an index to the historical formation of modern America. By tracing constructions of "Asian American" to an interpenetrating dynamic between Asia and America, the author obtains a deeper understanding of key issues in American culture, history, and society. The formation of America in the twentieth century has had everything to do with "westward expansion" across the "Pacific frontier" and the movement of Asians onto American soil. After the passage of the last piece of anti-Asian legislation in the 1930's, the United States found it had to grapple with both the presence of Asians already in America and the imperative to develop its neocolonial interests in East Asia. The author argues that, under these double imperatives, a great wall between "Asian" and "American" is constructed precisely when the two threatened to merge. Yet the very incompleteness of American identity has allowed specific and contingent fusion of "Asian" and "American" at particular historical junctures. From the importation of Asian labor in the mid-nineteenth century, the territorialization of Hawaii and the Philippines in the late-nineteenth century, through wars with Japan, Korea, and Vietnam and the Cold War with China, to today's Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation group, the United States in the modern age has seen its national identity as strongly attached to the Pacific. As this has taken place, so has the formation of a variety of Asian American identities. Each contains a specific notion of America and reveals a particular conception of "Asian" and "American." Complicating the usual notion of "identity politics" and drawing on a wide range of writings—sociological, historical, cultural, medical, anthropological, geographic, economic, journalistic, and political—the author studies both how the formation of these identifications discloses the response of America to the presence of Asians and how Asian Americans themselves have inhabited these roles and resisted such categorizations, inventing their own particular subjectivities as Americans.
This volume examines communicative justice from the perspective of the pluriverse and explores how it is employed to work towards key pluriverse goals of environmental, cognitive, sociocultural, sociopolitical, and political economy justice. The book identifies and explains the unequal power relations in place that limit the possibilities of communication justice, the challenges and difficulties faced by activists and communities, the ways in which communities and movements have confronted power structures through discourse and material action, and their successes and limitations in creating new structures that promote the right to, and facilitate a future for, communicative justice. The volume features contributions based on experiences of resistance and transformation in the Global South—Bolivia, Ecuador, India, Malawi, and collaborations between the continents of Latin America and Africa—as well as notable studies from the Global North—Japan, Spain, and the United Kingdom—that defy hegemonic models. This book is essential for students and scholars interested in media and communication activism, media practice for development and social change, and communication for development and social change, as well as those actively engaged with activism and social justice.
These essays seek to determine whether there is a Reagan foreign policy with respect to Asia; if so, what is that policy; and by what strategy that policy is transtaled into action and with what results. Beginning with an exploration into the Reagan Administration's global security plan and how Asia fits into it, the volume looks into the subregional units or countries -- Northeast Asia covering Korea, Japan, China and the Soviet Far East, Southeast Asia and the ASEAN nations. Of partuclar interest is Norman Levin's essay in which he argues that the current policy is not a departure but an evolutionary extension of the last two years of the Carter Administration. He concludes that although the Reagan policy in Asia has had a number of positive effects, the Administration has yet to devise a strategy for moderating superpower competition and coming to grips with the Soviet Union as an Asian power. ISBN 0-03-064189-6 : $22.95.