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This book is a collection of primary source documents from leading constitutional conservatives during the period 1900-1930, many reproduced for the first time. The readings address the main political issues of the Progressive Era, such as economic regulation, federalism, executive power, and foreign policy.
Presents forty essays, speeches, and other documents on conservatism or by conservatives, spanning 1930 to the turn of the century, including works by Seward Collins, Barry Goldwater, William F. Buckley, Jr., Irving Kristol, Ronald Reagan, Newt Gingrich, and others.
During the Progressive Era (1880-1920), leading thinkers and politicians transformed American politics. Historians and political scientists have given a great deal of attention to the progressives who effected this transformation. Yet relatively little is known about the conservatives who opposed these progressive innovations, despite the fact that they played a major role in the debates and outcomes of this period of American history. These early conservatives represent a now-forgotten source of inspiration for modern American conservatism. This volume gives these constitutional conservatives their first full explanation and demonstrates their ongoing relevance to contemporary American conservatism.
The dissertation makes an argument about the roots of important strains of modern American conservatism. While most of the relevant historiography argues that their origins lay in a reaction - especially among Republicans - to the New Deal and the further growth of government power in the wake of World War II, this study counters that we can trace the roots of modern American conservatism to developments in the Republican Party in the two decades before the New Deal. This is a story of how the turn-of-the-century Republican Party - one that emphasized government activism and cultural pluralism - became the Republican Party of the late 1910s and 1920s, one increasingly hostile to government activism in economic matters and receptive to nativist critiques of American society. Put perhaps most simply, it is the story of how the Republican Party of Theodore Roosevelt became the party of Calvin Coolidge. This study will examine the party platforms, Republican campaign textbooks, campaign speeches, correspondence of influential political figures, and contemporary political reporting, among other sources, that helped inform changes in the party's electoral rhetoric and policy preferences at the state and national levels. It will look chiefly at how state and national issues in the first three decades of the twentieth century played out in four states - New York, Ohio, California, and Tennessee - of particular interest to the party, one from each of the four major regions of the United States. As state and national parties began to develop a new electoral rhetoric, they transformed how the Republicans appealed to voters and what those voters came to expect from the party. This new Republican electoral rhetoric appealed to a different mix voters. While turn-of-the-century Republican emphasis on the virtues of government activism and cultural pluralism attracted many new ethnic voters to the Republican Party, the development of economic anti-statism and nativism in the party's appeals in the 1910 and 1920s alienated many of these same voters. The party's appeals to southern whites in the 1920s also began to alienate black voters just as many of them were moving North and voting in numbers. In this period, then, the Republican Party's coalition grew more dependent on a coalition of business interests and native born white Protestants that was narrower yet deeper than the broader turn-of-the-century coalition of William McKinley. To digest that the origins of modern conservatism trace to the Republican Party in the decades before the advent of the New Deal will enhance our understanding of twentieth-century political history. It may also afford us a deeper appreciation about the nature of political opposition to both the growth of federal power - especially in its regulatory and welfare functions - and to a more ethnically and culturally pluralistic Unites States. Early modern conservatives in the Republican Party had identified these trends in the 1910s and stirred to resist them. In their resistance - in the rhetoric and policies informing it - we see the roots of modern America conservatism.
As the nation stands at a crossroads, this “valuable collection” urges us to reexamine the ideas and values of the American conservative tradition—offering “a bracing tonic for the present chaos” (The Washington Post). A groundbreaking collection of mainstream conservative writings since 1900, featuring pieces by Ronald Reagan, Antonin Scalia, Joan Didion, and more What is American conservatism? What are its core beliefs and values? What answers can it offer to the fundamental questions we face in the twenty-first century about the common good and the meaning of freedom, the responsibilities of citizenship, and America’s proper role in the world? As libertarians, neoconservatives, Never Trump-ers, and others battle over the label, this landmark collection offers an essential survey of conservative thought in the United States since 1900, highlighting the centrality of four key themes: the importance of tradition and the local, resistance to an ever-expanding state, opposition to the threat of tyranny at home and abroad, and free markets as the key to sustaining individual liberty. Andrew J. Bacevich’s incisive selections reveal that American conservatism—in his words “more akin to an ethos or a disposition than a fixed ideology”—has hardly been a monolithic entity over the last 120 years, but rather has developed through fierce internal debate about basic political and social propositions. Well-known figures such as Ronald Reagan and William F. Buckley are complemented here by important but less familiar thinkers such as Richard Weaver and Robert Nisbet, as well as writers not of the political right, like Randolph Bourne, Joan Didion, and Reinhold Niebuhr, who have been important influences on conservative thinking. More relevant than ever, this rich, too often overlooked vein of writing provides essential insights into who Americans are as a people and offers surprising hope, in a time of extreme polarization, for finding common ground. It deserves to be rediscovered by readers of all political persuasions.
The story of modern conservatism through the lives of six leading figures The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism tells the gripping story of perhaps the most significant political force of our time through the lives and careers of six leading figures at the heart of the movement. David Farber traces the history of modern conservatism from its revolt against New Deal liberalism, to its breathtaking resurgence under Ronald Reagan, to its spectacular defeat with the election of Barack Obama. Farber paints vivid portraits of Robert Taft, William F. Buckley Jr., Barry Goldwater, Phyllis Schlafly, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush. He shows how these outspoken, charismatic, and frequently controversial conservative leaders were united by a shared insistence on the primacy of social order, national security, and economic liberty. Farber demonstrates how they built a versatile movement capable of gaining and holding power, from Taft's opposition to the New Deal to Buckley's founding of the National Review as the intellectual standard-bearer of modern conservatism; from Goldwater's crusade against leftist politics and his failed 1964 bid for the presidency to Schlafly's rejection of feminism in favor of traditional gender roles and family values; and from Reagan's city upon a hill to conservatism's downfall with Bush's ambitious presidency. The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism provides rare insight into how conservatives captured the American political imagination by claiming moral superiority, downplaying economic inequality, relishing bellicosity, and embracing nationalism. This concise and accessible history reveals how these conservative leaders discovered a winning formula that enabled them to forge a powerful and formidable political majority.
“A must-own title.” —National Review Online American Conservatism: An Encyclopedia is the first comprehensive reference volume to cover what is surely the most influential political and intellectual movement of the past half century. More than fifteen years in the making—and more than half a million words in length—this informative and entertaining encyclopedia contains substantive entries on those persons, events, organizations, and concepts of major importance to postwar American conservatism. Its contributors include iconic patriarchs of the conservative and libertarian movements, celebrated scholars, well-known authors, and influential movement activists and leaders. Ranging from “abortion” to “Zoll, Donald Atwell,” and written from viewpoints as various as those which have informed the postwar conservative movement itself, the encyclopedia’s more than 600 entries will orient readers of all kinds to the people and ideas that have given shape to contemporary American conservatism. This long-awaited volume is not to be missed.
Providing an often-overlooked historical perspective, Gordon Lloyd and David Davenport show how the New Deal of the 1930s established the framework for today’s U.S. domestic policy and the ongoing debate between progressives and conservatives. They examine the pivotal issues of the dispute, laying out the progressive-conservative arguments between Hoover and Roosevelt in the 1930s and illustrating how those issues remain current in public policy today. The authors detail how Hoover, alarmed by the excesses of the New Deal, pointed to the ideas that would constitute modern U.S. conservatism and how three pillars—liberty, limited government, and constitutionalism—formed his case against the New Deal and, in turn, became the underlying philosophy of conservatism today. Illustrating how the debates between Franklin Roosevelt and Herbert Hoover were conducted much like the campaign rhetoric of liberals and conservatives in 2012, Lloyd and Davenport assert that conservatives must, to be a viable part of the national conversation, “go back to come back”—because our history contains signposts for the way forward.