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John Hearne: Architect of the 1937 Constitution of Ireland is the first-ever biography of the ‘architect in chief and draftsman’ of the constitution. In the six-year period that it took to draft the constitution, John Hearne was involved at every stage alongside Éamon de Valera; his attitudes and concerns – especially with the protection of human rights in a period which saw the rise of dictatorships throughout Europe – governed the make-up of the fundamental law. This law still stands today and reverberates through every call for referendum or repeal. John Hearne is the biography of a man, later Irish Ambassador to Canada and the United States, who masterminded Irish policy, nationally and internationally, for decades; his essential role in the making of the constitution will result in a greater understanding and re-evaluation of one of its most defining and controversial documents.
Ireland's bestselling popular historian tells the story of contemporary Ireland - controversial, authoritative and highly readable. Tim Pat Coogan's biographies of Michael Collins and DeValera and his studies of the IRA, the Troubles and the Irish Diaspora have transformed our understanding of contemporary Ireland, and all have been massive bestsellers. Now he has produced a major history of Ireland in the twentieth century. Covering both South and North and dealing with cultural and social history as well as political, this enthralling work will become the definitive single-volume account of the making of modern Ireland.
This book covers a unique, yet virtually ignored episode in Irish history—the efforts by intellectuals to influence and shape in a radical way the policies and direction of a major political party. Between 1932 and 1934, Michael Tierney and James Hogan, both university academics, exploited the opportunity offered by the formation of the Blueshirts and Fine Gael to promote their views for an alternative social, economic and political order. This order was inspired by Catholic social teachings, in particular those enunciated by Pope Pius XI in his encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, issued in 1931. In it the pontiff had advocated a social system which sought to reconcile the conflicting interests of capital and labour by essentially giving representation to the various economic interests in society by organising them according to their vocational groupings. With ideas rooted in contemporary Catholic social and political philosophy, especially Catholic corporatism or vocationalism, Tierney and Hogan intended that Fine Gael become the vehicle for the promotion of their ideas. In effect, they virtually hijacked the objectives of the party. Under their influence and that of others, including Eoin O’Duffy and Ernest Blythe, Fine Gael adopted corporate principles and began the process of formulating policies to give practical expression to them. Among those the party produced was a detailed labour policy. The advocates of corporatism, though always a tiny minority within the party, enjoyed a disproportionate influence. They contributed, however, to divisions within Fine Gael during a turbulent period in Irish politics. Moreover, the party’s opponents in Fianna Fail and the labour movement successfully characterised it as advocating fascism. Their ultimate failure has obscured the significance of the achievement of Hogan, Tierney and their allies. They transformed Fine Gael into a political party with a radical and distinct ideological programme and succeeded in giving Irish politics, for a brief period in the 1930s, a new dimension and vibrancy.
The immense power the Catholic Church once wielded in Ireland has considerably diminished over the last fifty years. During the same period the Irish state has pursued new economic and social development goals by wooing foreign investors and throwing the state's lot in with an ever-widening European integration project. How a less powerful church and a more assertive state related to one another during the key third quarter of the twentieth century is the subject of this book. Drawing on newly available material, it looks at how social science, which had been a church monopoly, was taken over and bent to new purposes by politicians and civil servants. This case study casts new light on wider processes of change, and the story features a strong and somewhat surprising cast of characters ranging from Sean Lemass and T.K. Whitaker to Archbishop John Charles McQuaid and Father Denis Fahey.
For a revolutionary generation of Irishmen and Irishwomen - including suffragettes, labour activists, and nationalists - imprisonment became a common experience. In the years 1912-1921, thousands were arrested and held in civil prisons or in internment camps in Ireland and Britain. The state's intent was to repress dissent, but instead, the prisons and camps became a focus of radical challenge to the legitimacy and durability of the status quo. Some of these prisons and prisoners are famous: Terence MacSwiney and Thomas Ashe occupy a central position in the prison martyrology of Irish republican culture, and Kilmainham Gaol has become one of the most popular tourist sites in Dublin. In spite of this, a comprehensive history of political imprisonment focused on these years does not exist. In Imprisonment and the Irish, 1912-1921, William Murphy attempts to provide such a history. He seeks to detail what it was like to be a political prisoner; how it smelled, tasted, and felt. More than that, the volume demonstrates that understanding political imprisonment of this period is one of the keys to understanding the Irish revolution. Murphy argues that the politics of imprisonment and the prison conflicts analysed here reflected and affected the rhythms of the revolution, and this volume not only reconstructs and assesses the various experiences and actions of the prisoners, but those of their families, communities, and political movements, as well as the attitudes and reactions of the state and those charged with managing the prisoners.