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African Americans were present in Davidson County long before it was officially formed from Rowan County in 1822. The exact time or place of settlement remains in question. They served not only in the stereotypical roles of farm laborers and house slaves but also as skilled traders, blacksmiths, furniture makers, and artisans. From Petersville, Southmont, Thomasville, Midway, Lexington, Belltown, Reeds, Churchland, and tiny areas in between, great men and women found a sense of stability. They made a life out of the scraps that were left behind. This collection of historical photographs is a textured look at African Americans in Davidson County. Images of community notables like A. B. Bingham, Charles England, Rev. A. T. Evans, and Etta Michael White and iconic structures like St. Stephen United Methodist Church, Dunbar High School, and the Hut, these photographs weave together stories that outline the African American journey.
Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. Black Nashville during Slavery Times -- 2. Religion, Education, and the Politics of Slavery and Secession -- 3. The Civil War: "Blue Man's Coming -- 4. Life after Slavery: Progress Despite Poverty and Discrimination -- 5. Business and Culture: A World of Their Own -- 6. On Common Ground: Reading, "Riting," and Arithmetic -- 7. Uplifting the Race: Higher Education -- 8. Churches and Religion: From Paternalism to Maturity -- 9. Politics and Civil Rights: The Black Republicans -- 10. Racial Accommodationism and Protest -- Notes -- Index
This book presents the diverse, expansive nature of African American Studies and its characteristic interdisciplinarity. It is intended for use with undergraduate/ beginning graduate students in African American Studies, American Studies and Ethnic Studie
In The Black Republic, Brandon R. Byrd explores the ambivalent attitudes that African American leaders in the post-Civil War era held toward Haiti, the first and only black republic in the Western Hemisphere. Following emancipation, African American leaders of all kinds—politicians, journalists, ministers, writers, educators, artists, and diplomats—identified new and urgent connections with Haiti, a nation long understood as an example of black self-determination. They celebrated not only its diplomatic recognition by the United States but also the renewed relevance of the Haitian Revolution. While a number of African American leaders defended the sovereignty of a black republic whose fate they saw as intertwined with their own, others expressed concern over Haiti's fitness as a model black republic, scrutinizing whether the nation truly reflected the "civilized" progress of the black race. Influenced by the imperialist rhetoric of their day, many African Americans across the political spectrum espoused a politics of racial uplift, taking responsibility for the "improvement" of Haitian education, politics, culture, and society. They considered Haiti an uncertain experiment in black self-governance: it might succeed and vindicate the capabilities of African Americans demanding their own right to self-determination or it might fail and condemn the black diasporic population to second-class status for the foreseeable future. When the United States military occupied Haiti in 1915, it created a crisis for W. E. B. Du Bois and other black activists and intellectuals who had long grappled with the meaning of Haitian independence. The resulting demand for and idea of a liberated Haiti became a cornerstone of the anticapitalist, anticolonial, and antiracist radical black internationalism that flourished between World War I and World War II. Spanning the Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, and Jim Crow eras, The Black Republic recovers a crucial and overlooked chapter of African American internationalism and political thought.
Between 1880 and 1930, Southern mobs hanged, burned, and otherwise tortured to death at least 3,300 African Americans. And yet the rest of the nation largely ignored the horror of lynching or took it for granted, until a young schoolteacher from Tennessee raised her voice. Her name was Ida B. Wells. In "They Say," historian James West Davidson recounts the first thirty years of this passionate woman's life--as well as the story of the great struggle over the meaning of race in post-emancipation America. Davidson captures the breathtaking, often chaotic changes that swept the South as Wells grew up in Holly Springs, Mississippi: the spread of education among the free blacks, the rise of political activism, the bitter struggles for equality in the face of entrenched social custom. As Wells came of age she moved to bustling Memphis, eager to worship at the city's many churches (black and white), to take elocution lessons and perform Shakespeare at evening soirées, to court and spark with the young men taken by her beauty. But Wells' quest for fulfillment was thwarted as whites increasingly used race as a barrier separating African Americans from mainstream America. Davidson traces the crosscurrents of these cultural conflicts through Ida Wells' forceful personality. When a conductor threw her off a train for not retreating to the segregated car, she sued the railroad--and won. When she protested conditions in the segregated Memphis schools, she was fired--and took up full-time journalism. And in 1892, when an explosive lynching rocked Memphis, she embarked full-blown on the career for which she is now remembered, as an outspoken writer and lecturer against lynching. Richly researched and deftly written, "They Say" offers a gripping portrait of the young Ida B. Wells, shedding light not only on how one black American defined her own aspirations and her people's freedom, but also on the changing meaning of race in America.
African Americans have heavily contributed to and shaped the unique and vibrant Rutherford County in middle Tennessee. Located 30 miles southeast of Nashville, Rutherford County is at the state's geographical center. This area is home to the Stones River National Battlefield, a national park that was the site of a major Civil War battle--the Battle of Stones River. Tourists come from all over the world to experience this rich cultural and historic venue that once served, although briefly, as the capital of Tennessee. African American men and women have lived, worked, and toiled here for generations.
Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. Black Nashville during Slavery Times -- 2. Religion, Education, and the Politics of Slavery and Secession -- 3. The Civil War: "Blue Man's Coming -- 4. Life after Slavery: Progress Despite Poverty and Discrimination -- 5. Business and Culture: A World of Their Own -- 6. On Common Ground: Reading, "Riting," and Arithmetic -- 7. Uplifting the Race: Higher Education -- 8. Churches and Religion: From Paternalism to Maturity -- 9. Politics and Civil Rights: The Black Republicans -- 10. Racial Accommodationism and Protest -- Notes -- Index
With information on over 500 organizations, their founders and membership, this unique encyclopedia is an invaluable resource on the history of African-American activism. Entries on both historical and contemporary organizations include: * African Aid Society * African-Americans for Humanism * Black Academy of Arts and Letters * Black Women's Liberation Committee * Minority Women in Science * National Association of Black Geologists and Geophysicists * National Dental Association * National Medical Association * Negro Railway Labor Executives Committee * Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association * Women's Missionary Society, African Methodist Episcopal Church * and many more.
Contours of African American Politics chronicles the systematic study of African American politics and its subsequent recognition as an established field of scholarly inquiry. African American politics emanates from the demands of the prolonged struggle for black liberation and empowerment. Hence, the study of African American politics has sought to track, codify, and analyze the struggle that has been mounted, and to understand the historic and changing political status of African Americans within American society. The notion of a post-racial America is one that was birthed by the election of Barack Obama as the first African American president of the United States. However, another reality is equally compelling: that for some time now, many African American aspirants for elective office have run against race-specific issues, putting individual desires to win office above the conventionally defined collective interests of black folk. Clearly, the Obama presidential election crystallized a complexity of change that had been underway in America prior to his election. Indeed, did the Obama election signal the end of black politics? Does race remain a useful construct for framing the collective interests of African Americans? Volume III of Contours of African American Politics examines all of these questions in an effort to understand the more poignant question of the future of that which we have known as black politics.