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Activities Incompatible, the third volume of Martin Nicholson's memoirs, covers the years 1963 to 1971, when the author started his career as an analyst of Soviet political affairs in the Research Department of the Foreign Office in London and continued in the Russian Secretariat of the British Embassy, Moscow. In 1971 he took his wife and two children to Moscow for his second tour of duty, as Head of the Russian Secretariat. By this time he had also been appointed one of two official Russian interpreters for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. But the Cold War was still at its height, and the knives were out between London and Moscow over the Soviet Union's espionage activities in the UK. Martin was engulfed in the gathering storm of expulsions and counter-expulsions of diplomats and its dramatic climax. Here he tells the story from the inside.
Twitching the Iron Curtain is the fourth volume of Martin Nicholson's memoirs. It takes the author's career and family life from 1972 to 1984, following the abrupt end of his posting in Moscow in a flurry of expulsions and counter-expulsions of diplomats, described in the previous volume, Activities Incompatible. The present volume covers the author's postings in family-friendly, though still thoroughly Communist Prague (1972-1975) and Vienna (1978-1981), the forum for MBFR, the long-running East/West arms control negotiations, as well as London postings, where Martin followed the slow demise of the Soviet Union and witnessed at first hand Mikhail Gorbachev's dramatic visit to the UK in 1984. By the end of this period Martin's children were teenagers; their story also weaves its way through the narrative.
"Richard J. Aldrich and Rory Cormac reveal the remarkable relationship between the British Royal Family and the intelligence community, from the reign of Queen Victoria, through two world wars and the Cold War, to the present day. Based on painstaking archival research, the authors have uncovered a wealth of detail that changes our understanding of the role of the monarch in modern British politics, intelligence, and international relations. Far from being a dry tome, on page after page Crown, Cloak, and Dagger offers surprising revelations and stories of intrigue. The book begins with the reign of Queen Victoria, when persistent attempts to assassinate her demanded the creation of security services. Successive queens and kings have all played an active role in steering British intelligence, sometimes running parallel networks against the wishes of prime ministers. Even today, Queen Elizabeth II receives "copy No.1" of every intelligence report and likely knows more state secrets than any person alive. This book demonstrates that even in the era of constitutional monarchy, queens and kings continue to be far more than figureheads of state. Crown, Cloak, and Dagger is a fascinating and fast-paced history that will inform as well as entertain anyone with an interest in history, espionage, and the Royal Family"--
There’s no such thing as a former KGB man. Agents of Influence reveals the secret history of an intelligence agency gone out of control, accountable to no one but itself and intent on subverting Western politics on a near-inconceivable scale. In 1985, 1,300 KGB officers were stationed in the USA. The FBI only had 350 counter-intelligence officers. Since the early days of the Cold War, the KGB seduced parliamentarians and diplomats, infiltrated the highest echelons of the Civil Service, and planted fake news in papers across the world. More disturbingly, it never stopped. Putin is a KGB man through and through. Journalist Mark Hollingworth reveals how disinformation, kompromat and secret surveillance continue to play key roles in Russia’s war with Ukraine. It seems frighteningly easy to destabilise Western democracy.
This controversial set of essays evaluates and extends international relations theory in light of the revolutionary events of past years. The contributors demonstrate how theoretical constructs did not anticipate Soviet foreign policies that led to the end of the Cold War.
Pp. 283-297, "Mykhailo Drahomanov and the Problem of Ukrainian-Jewish Relations", discuss the views of the Russian nationalist as expressed in two articles. In the first (1875) he opposed legal discrimination against Jews, as it was based on medieval prejudice and did not achieve its aim of safeguarding the peasants' interests. The second was a response to the pogroms of 1881-82. He blamed the Russian policy of concentrating the Jews in the Pale of Settlement for Ukrainian-Jewish tensions. He also criticized the Jews as a parasitic class which felt no solidarity with the Ukraine. He saw the solution in a Jewish socialist movement and a federation of Russia and Austro-Hungary, in which Jews would enjoy equal rights. Pp. 299-313, "The Problem of Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Nineteenth-Century Ukrainian Political Thought, " discuss the approaches of three Ukrainian thinkers to the "Jewish question": Mykola Kostomarov, Mykhailo Drahomanov, and Ivan Franko. Kostomarov published an article in 1862 in "Osnova" to counter accusations in the Jewish journal "Sion" against the Ukrainian cultural movement. He supported Jewish emancipation, but accused the Jews of clannishness, indifference to the fate of their country, and acting as instruments of Polish oppression and exploiters of the peasants. Franko was a disciple of Drahomanov; he adopted the idea of Ukrainian independence and advocated Jewish-Ukrainian cooperation.
Das Buch ist eine Analyse von Aufstieg und Fall des sowjetischen Herrschaftssystems in dem Gebiet, das zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges "Osteuropa" genannt wurde, und der Rolle, die das Deutschlandproblem dabei gespielt hat. Gestützt auf die Auswertung neuer Quellen aus den Partei- und Staatsarchiven ehemals kommunistischerer Länder rekonstruiert es die folgende Entwicklung: die Teilung Deutschlands und dabei die Rolle der Sowjetunion unter Stalin; das eiserne Festhalten seiner Nachfolger an der Teilung; ihr zunehmendes Bewusstsein der hohen Kosten, welche die Aufrechterhaltung des imperialen Systems in Ostmitteleuropa verursachte; der Fehlschlag ihrer Anstrengungen, die wachsende wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Abhängigkeit der DDR von der Bundesrepublik zu verhindern; und schließlich die Gründe dafür, warum Gorbatschow die Auflösung des sowjetischen Herrschaftsbereichs in Ostmitteleuropa hinnahm und sogar der Mitgliedschaft des wiedervereinigten Deutschlands in der Nato zustimmte."Angesichts der russischen Okkupation der Krim, der anhaltenden Krise in der Ostukraine und der dadurch ausgelösten Gegenreaktionen von NATO und EU scheint sich der Kalte Krieg in Europa zurückgemeldet zu haben. Geeigneter kann der Zeitpunkt für die überarbeitete Neuauflage des sich inzwischen zu einem Standardwerk entwickelten Buches von Hannes Adomeit nicht sein. Seine profunde Kenntnis und Auseinandersetzung mit sowjetischer und russischer Politik seit fünf Jahrzehnten und sein Zugang zu neuem russischen Archivmaterial qualifiziert ihn zu einem der besten und erfahrensten Experten auf internationaler Ebene. Wer die sowjetische Politik nach dem II. Weltkrieg bis zur Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands und ihre Implikationen für die letzten 25 Jahre verstehen will, kommt an Adomeits Buch und seiner analytischen Brillanz nicht vorbei". Prof. Dr. h.c. Horst Teltschik, September 2015 "Of all of the analyses of the fall of the Soviet Union and reunification of Germany, Hannes Adomeit's 1998 classic, "Imperial Overstretch", has stood the test of time. Its re-publication here by Nomos, with some modest updates by the author, will be welcomed by scholars, students, the policy community, and the informed public, as a trenchant interpretation of what happened to the 'Soviet bloc', but also as an introduction to the assertive imperial politics of Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation." Norman M. Naimark, Stanford University, November 2015
During the Cold War, freedom of expression was vaunted as liberal democracy’s most cherished possession—but such freedom was put in service of a hidden agenda. In The Cultural Cold War, Frances Stonor Saunders reveals the extraordinary efforts of a secret campaign in which some of the most vocal exponents of intellectual freedom in the West were working for or subsidized by the CIA—whether they knew it or not. Called "the most comprehensive account yet of the [CIA’s] activities between 1947 and 1967" by the New York Times, the book presents shocking evidence of the CIA’s undercover program of cultural interventions in Western Europe and at home, drawing together declassified documents and exclusive interviews to expose the CIA’s astonishing campaign to deploy the likes of Hannah Arendt, Isaiah Berlin, Leonard Bernstein, Robert Lowell, George Orwell, and Jackson Pollock as weapons in the Cold War. Translated into ten languages, this classic work—now with a new preface by the author—is "a real contribution to popular understanding of the postwar period" (The Wall Street Journal), and its story of covert cultural efforts to win hearts and minds continues to be relevant today.
On February 24-25, 1956, in a closed session of the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Nikita S. Khrushchev made his now famous speech on the crimes of the Stalin era. That speech marked a break with the past and it marked the end of what J.M. Bochenski dubbed the "dead period" of Soviet philosophy. Soviet philosophy changed abruptly after 1956, especially in the area of dialectical materialism. Yet most philosophers in the West neither noticed nor cared. For them, the resurrection of Soviet philosophy, even if believable, was of little interest. The reasons for the lack of belief and interest were multiple. Soviet philosophy had been dull for so long that subtle differences made little difference. The Cold War was in a frigid period and reinforced the attitude of avoiding anything Soviet. Phenomenology and exis tentialism were booming in Europe and analytic philosophy was king on the Anglo-American philosophical scene. Moreover, not many philosophers in the West knew or could read Russian or were motivated to learn it to be able to read Soviet philosophical works. The launching of Sputnik awakened the West from its self complacent slumbers. Academic interest in the Soviet Union grew.