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Studies of Hong Kong society have long focused one-sidedly upon economic prosperity and political stability. Contributors to this volume redress this imbalance by taking a critical view of Hong Kong's political development from the perspectives of social conflict and collective action. Instead of looking at Hong Kong from the top, this volume documents the active role played by local actors from below (political groups, student activists, trade unions, women groups, environmentalists, and community organizers) and their impact on social and political development in Hong Kong society in the context of political transition and democratization, economic restructuring, and an emergent local identity.
This book reviews the political development of Hong Kong before and after 1997, in particular the evolution of state-society relations in the last two decades, to analyze the slow development of democracy and governance in Hong Kong after 1997. This book is a most comprehensive analysis of the multi-faceted changes in Hong Kong in the last 20 years. The scope of changes analyzed included state functions and institutions, political changes such as party development and development of the Legislative Council, and social changes such as social movements, civil liberties, etc. It helps the reader understand the crisis of governance of Hong Kong after 1997, and the difficulty of democratic development in Hong Kong over the years. The book covers: changing state institutions in Hong Kong in the last few decades; party development in Hong Kong; the changing role and function of the legislature in Hong Kong; the evolution of social movement and movement organizational forms; media freedom, civil liberties, and the role of civil society; and theoretical discussions concerning governance problems and state-society relations in Hong Kong. Special emphasis is placed on how these changes brought about a new state-society relation, which in turn brought governance difficulties after 1997.
This volume in 15 chapters serves as a useful overview of various significant aspects of the new trends of political participation in Hong Kong. Written by a team of experts who have been astute observers of Hong Kong Politics, the book covers a wide spectrum of topics ranging from a conventional understanding of political participation (e.g., the activities of political parties and interest groups) to a more specialized form of participation (e.g., the relationships between government and legislators in policy-making). The study of the rise of new social movements by the Post-80s generation would be of particular interest to those who are keen to comprehend the sharpening inter-generational differences. There will be a readership among academics and university students. This can also be a valuable reference for the media, policy-makers, or anyone interested in Hong Kong politics. This book is published by City University of Hong Kong Press. 香港城市大學出版社出版。
Deng Zhongxia, the organizer and leader of the Guangzhou-Hong Kong General Strike of 1925-26, was one of China's foremost labor activists. Marxist Intellectuals and the Chinese Labor Movement is the first English-language examination of Deng's career and thought. It extends into a wider assessment of the relationship between the Chinese labor movement and the Chinese Communist revolution, considering the conflicting interests of workers and Marxist intellectuals and the differences between local and national concerns.
Yang examines the political process of the Occupy Movement spanning from January 2013, when the “Occupy Central with Love and Peace” (OCLP) campaign was initiated, to December 2014, when the Occupy Movement finally ended. This book adopts an actor-centered approach in the study of democratization and places civil society as the focus of the analysis. The OCLP campaign was an attempt to transfer leadership of democratization from political parties to civil society, while the incorporation of Deliberation Days further let ordinary participants decide on the electoral proposals. The democratic ideals of civil society activists and the mobilization of radical democrats led the campaign to enter a radical position. The Chinese government interpreted democratization in Hong Kong from a regime security perspective and took a hardliner position. After the Occupy Movement finally occurred, the leadership of civil society and the conception of civil disobedience contained the radical protesters. However, after the movement, civil society organizations were blamed for its failure, and contention in Hong Kong became more transgressive and decentralized. This book is a valuable resource for scholars of Hong Kong’s Politics and a relevant case study for those studying the dynamics of social movements and the civil society strategy in democratic transition.
The transition of the Churches from the traditional colonial setting of Hong Kong in the aftermath of World War II to the mature Christian community of post-industrial, post-colonial Hong Kong is analysed with considerable skill by Beatrice Leung Kit-fun and Shun-hing Chan... The two authors add significantly to our understanding of the dilemmas which confronted not only the Churches in adjusting to the transition from British rule but the wider community as well. The book gave detailed account of Hong Kong's church-state relationship in metamorphosis. It should be an important text for students in both political science and China studies, and especially in the history of Hong Kong. A timely effort to fill a major gap in the study of Hong Kong society – church-state relations. Students of Hong Kong research will find it most informative and useful. But its relevance goes beyond Hong Kong – this is a major reference for those who are interested in the areas of sociology of religion, civil society, political science and East Asian studies. The book is the first piece of substantial research to analyze Church-State relations in Hong Kong during the critical period of the handover from British to Chinese governance. It is certainly an original contribution, in such scale, to raise the attention on an under-studied, controversial and important area which may critically affect the changing socio-political dynamics in Hong Kong. This manuscript is an informative, insightful, and timely study of Church-State relations in Hong Kong over the past 50 years.
Hong Kong's Legislative Council Elections have been riddled with difficulties. The first, partial elections introduced in 1991 were tainted by the traumatic memories of the events of June 4, 1989. The elections of 1995 bore the marks of the bitter Sino-British controversies over Hong Kong's political reforms. As a result of the derailed "through train," the first general election after the change of sovereignty to China in 1997 produced a two-year successor to the Provisional Legislative Council, which in turn was troubled by the Asian Financial Crisis. In light of this, the elections held in September 2000 offered Hong Kong a new lease on life. A full, four-year term legislature was thus elected under conditions that were relatively free from the issues that characterized 1997: uncertainties over the political future of Hong Kong, the attendant anxieties of the Hong Kong people, and the tortuous struggle over reform initiatives among the political powers. This book draws on a wide range of local and overseas expertise to provide an in-depth study of the various aspects of the 2000 Legislative Council elections in Hong Kong. These aspects include: the basic conditions under which the elections took place, the role of labor, the District Councilors and media reporting, the decisive effect of the proportional representation system, factionalism in the Democratic Party, voting propensity, and the issues of identity, campaign finance, democratization, and the degree of political participation.
Following the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty, it appears that the 'high degree of autonomy' promised to Hong Kong is limited in many ways. China's reservations about the development of democracy in Hong Kong lies at the heart of the problem. The conceptual inadequacies set out in the Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution, show a correlation between a lack of democracy and a loss of autonomy. This book argues that genuine autonomy from the central government in Beijing is impossible without a democratic system in Hong Kong. Developments since the handover have, however, demonstrated that democratic trends have been halted and even reversed and that democracy is not likely to be established in Hong Kong in the near future.
Hong Kong has undergone sweeping transformation since its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. This is a multidisciplinary assessment of the new regime and key issues, challenges, crises and opportunities confronting the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).