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Classic Books Library presents this brand new edition of “The Federalist Papers”, a collection of separate essays and articles compiled in 1788 by Alexander Hamilton. Following the United States Declaration of Independence in 1776, the governing doctrines and policies of the States lacked cohesion. “The Federalist”, as it was previously known, was constructed by American statesman Alexander Hamilton, and was intended to catalyse the ratification of the United States Constitution. Hamilton recruited fellow statesmen James Madison Jr., and John Jay to write papers for the compendium, and the three are known as some of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Alexander Hamilton (c. 1755–1804) was an American lawyer, journalist and highly influential government official. He also served as a Senior Officer in the Army between 1799-1800 and founded the Federalist Party, the system that governed the nation’s finances. His contributions to the Constitution and leadership made a significant and lasting impact on the early development of the nation of the United States.
"The reader can't help but hold out hope that maybe someday, some of these sweeping changes could actually bring the nation's government out of its intellectual quagmire...his lively, conversational tone and compelling examples make the reader a more than willing student for this updated civics lesson." --The Hill The political book of the year, from the acclaimed founder and director of the Center for politics at the University of Virginia. A More Perfect Constitution presents creative and dynamic proposals from one of the most visionary and fertile political minds of our time to reinvigorate our Constitution and American governance at a time when such change is urgently needed, given the growing dysfunction and unfairness of our political system . Combining idealism and pragmatism, and with full respect for the original document, Larry Sabato's thought-provoking ideas range from the length of the president's term in office and the number and terms of Supreme Court justices to the vagaries of the antiquated Electoral College, and a compelling call for universal national service-all laced through with the history behind each proposal and the potential impact on the lives of ordinary people. Aware that such changes won't happen easily, but that the original Framers fully expected the Constitution to be regularly revised, Sabato urges us to engage in the debate and discussion his ideas will surely engender. During an election year, no book is more relevant or significant than this.
More than two decades after the post-communist constitutional transition, Hungary got into the spotlight again. As a result of the 2010 elections, the governing majority gained two-thirds of the seats in parliament, which made constitutional revision exceptionally easy, bypassing extensive political and social deliberations. In April 2011, on the first anniversary of the 2010 election, a brand new constitution was promulgated, named the Fundamental Law. This collection is the most comprehensive account of the Fundamental Law and its underlying principles. The objective is to analyze this constitutional transition from the perspectives of comparative constitutional law, legal theory and political philosophy. The authors outline and analyze how the current constitutional changes are altering the basic structure of the Hungarian State. The key concepts of the theoretical inquiry are sociological and normative legitimacy, majoritarian and partnership approach to democracy, procedural and substantive elements of constitutionalism. Changes are also examined in the field of human rights, focusing on the principles of equality, dignity, and civil liberties.
WE are in the habit of thinking of ourselves as a young nation, yet in comparison with almost all other constitutions in force in the world today ours is hoary with age. In seniority it yields to that "subtle organism which has proceeded from the womb and the long gestation of progressive history" known as the English constitution, though, as Walter Bagehot pointed out, the efficient parts of that constitution, as distinguished from its dignified parts, are comparatively modern. To Mr. MacDonald the antiquity of our Constitution is ground for questioning its suitability for present-day conditions, not for perpetuating it; the burden of proof, he evidently believes, is on those who would preserve it unaltered. He asks, in effect, not why should we change our form of government, but why should we not do so. That is to say, he writes as a radical critic of the Constitution. In reporting this fact one must hasten to add that he frequently pays his respects to legalism, he would not disregard any moral obligation embodied in the Constitution, and the means which he would employ for effecting his reforms are less revolutionary in form than was the adoption of the Constitution itself; indeed he is at pains to show that they are not revolutionary at all. The principal constitutional change advocated by Mr. MacDonald is the introduction of the parliamentary system of responsible government, to the lack of which he attributes most of our political ills. Ever since Bagehot's day writers on government have been comparing the presidential system with the cabinet system, generally to the disadvantage of the former, but it cannot be said that their opinions have made much impression on the American public. A great deal of fault has been found, it is true, with the working of our Constitution, but the blame has been laid on the politicians rather than on the Constitution. Mr. MacDonald insists that the evils from which we suffer are inherent in the Constitution itself and cannot be remedied without fundamental revision of the document. Thus he dismisses as futile the proposal that has been made several times during the last forty years to give the members of the President's Cabinet seats in Congress; it would not in his opinion be even a first step in introducing responsible government. What he proposes is to vest control of executive and legislative policy in a premier and cabinet sitting in Congress and holding office at its pleasure. He is not unaware that the parliamentary system is the object of much adverse criticism in countries where it exists, but he holds that most of this criticism is unwarranted. His defense of cabinet government may seem radical to some Americans, but it would seem very conservative in England; it would surely not silence the critics who are proclaiming in season and out of season that the parliamentary system has broken down. The author would not be content with the introduction of responsible government and such other changes as are involved in its establishment. He would give to Congress a number of additional powers, among them the power to acquire or control any industry or national resource. He would subject senators and representatives to popular recall on the ground that majority rule is tyrannical and an incitement to revolution unless the people have direct and continuous control of their representatives.... -The Nation, Volume 114 [1922]
The 233-year story of how the American people have taken an imperfect constitution—the product of compromises and an artifact of its time—and made it more democratic Who wrote the Constitution? That’s obvious, we think: fifty-five men in Philadelphia in 1787. But much of the Constitution was actually written later, in a series of twenty-seven amendments enacted over the course of two centuries. The real history of the Constitution is the astonishing story of how subsequent generations have reshaped our founding document amid some of the most colorful, contested, and controversial battles in American political life. It’s a story of how We the People have improved our government’s structure and expanded the scope of our democracy during eras of transformational social change. The People’s Constitution is an elegant, sobering, and masterly account of the evolution of American democracy. From the addition of the Bill of Rights, a promise made to save the Constitution from near certain defeat, to the post–Civil War battle over the Fourteenth Amendment, from the rise and fall of the “noble experiment” of Prohibition to the defeat and resurgence of an Equal Rights Amendment a century in the making, The People’s Constitution is the first book of its kind: a vital guide to America’s national charter, and an alternative history of the continuing struggle to realize the Framers’ promise of a more perfect union.
Having a problem deciding which side of the fence you are on, Liberal or Conservative? Confused about the deficit versus debt issue? Definitely doped out as to why the politicians in Washington can't seem to accomplish what you want them to do? Here is a plan to wipe out years of accumulated rust in the law-making pipes in the corridors of Congress. Our current Constitution is a marvel of simplicity, and, at the same time, a conglomeration of complexity. It is not easy to try to govern, but it is just as difficult for the governed to be favorably inclined to those whose governing rule is to obfuscate, deceive, steal, and mismanage. All of the above are the result of the Constitution's lack of definition as to the rules and regulations provided to the Congress by the Founding Fathers of the Country. The Framers of the Constitution are justifiably not to be blamed for their over sight. How could they look ahead 235 years and forecast the mess into which we have gotten. It is up to us, the living, to make the necessary, and difficult, choices that will enable us to remain as a World Symbol of Freedom. This book will attempt to be a guideline for the task.
"A Practical Guide to Constitution Building provides an essential foundation for understanding constitutions and constitution building. Full of world examples of ground-breaking agreements and innovative provisions adopted during processes of constitutional change, the Guide offers a wide range of examples of how constitutions develop and how their development can establish and entrench democratic values. Beyond comparative examples, the Guide contains in-depth analysis of key components of constitutions and the forces of change that shape them. The Guide analyzes the adoption of the substantive elements of a new constitution by looking at forces for the aggregation or dissemination of governmental power, and forces for greater legalization or politicization of governmental power, and examining how these forces influence the content of the constitution. It urges practitioners to look carefully at the forces at play within their individual contexts in order to better understand constitutional dynamics and play a role in shaping a constitution that will put into place a functioning democratic government and foster lasting peace."--
In 1783, as the Revolutionary War came to a close, Alexander Hamilton resigned in disgust from the Continental Congress after it refused to consider a fundamental reform of the Articles of Confederation. Just four years later, that same government collapsed, and Congress grudgingly agreed to support the 1787 Philadelphia Constitutional Convention, which altered the Articles beyond recognition. What occurred during this remarkably brief interval to cause the Confederation to lose public confidence and inspire Americans to replace it with a dramatically more flexible and powerful government? We Have Not a Government is the story of this contentious moment in American history. In George William Van Cleve’s book, we encounter a sharply divided America. The Confederation faced massive war debts with virtually no authority to compel its members to pay them. It experienced punishing trade restrictions and strong resistance to American territorial expansion from powerful European governments. Bitter sectional divisions that deadlocked the Continental Congress arose from exploding western settlement. And a deep, long-lasting recession led to sharp controversies and social unrest across the country amid roiling debates over greatly increased taxes, debt relief, and paper money. Van Cleve shows how these remarkable stresses transformed the Confederation into a stalemate government and eventually led previously conflicting states, sections, and interest groups to advocate for a union powerful enough to govern a continental empire. Touching on the stories of a wide-ranging cast of characters—including John Adams, Patrick Henry, Daniel Shays, George Washington, and Thayendanegea—Van Cleve makes clear that it was the Confederation’s failures that created a political crisis and led to the 1787 Constitution. Clearly argued and superbly written, We Have Not a Government is a must-read history of this crucial period in our nation’s early life.