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On a summer day in 1846--two years before the Seneca Falls convention that launched the movement for woman's rights in the United States--six women in rural upstate New York sat down to write a petition to their state's constitutional convention, demanding "equal, and civil and political rights with men." Refusing to invoke the traditional language of deference, motherhood, or Christianity as they made their claim, the women even declined to defend their position, asserting that "a self evident truth is sufficiently plain without argument." Who were these women, Lori Ginzberg asks, and how might their story change the collective memory of the struggle for woman's rights? Very few clues remain about the petitioners, but Ginzberg pieces together information from census records, deeds, wills, and newspapers to explore why, at a time when the notion of women as full citizens was declared unthinkable and considered too dangerous to discuss, six ordinary women embraced it as common sense. By weaving their radical local action into the broader narrative of antebellum intellectual life and political identity, Ginzberg brings new light to the story of woman's rights and of some women's sense of themselves as full members of the nation.
First published in 1973, this book remains the authoritative work on the various radical movements that grew out of antislavery ideas in the 1840s and 1850s. Lewis Perry argues that the idea of the government of God was central to the abolitionists' conviction that slavery was a sin: no person could claim to be master over another without violating divine sovereignty. Potentially anarchistic, this view posed challenges to other forms of "slavery" in American society - in the church, the government, the family, and even reform organizations - and led radical abolitionists to experiment with new styles of political action and community life. Perry identifies some striking weaknesses that emerged in antislavery thought by the eve of the Civil War. The abolitionists' devotion to the right of private judgment made it difficult for them to determine which responses to violence and slavery were appropriate and which were not. And despite the emphasis on self-liberation, the abolitionists failed significantly to establish any role for slaves in their own emancipation. The war further aggravated such confusions and inconsistencies, and after the war much of the radicalism in antislavery thought was forgotten. Yet the key issues with which the radical abolitionists wrestled - race, violence, women's rights, pacifism, and the role of government - retain their relevance in today's society. For this edition, Perry offers a new preface that connects his original conclusions about radical abolitionism with the most recent scholarship in the history of African Americans and women.
Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle moved from rural Scotland to London's Cheyne Walk. This title focuses on writers for whom 'the centre' was a pressing concern. Elizabeth Gaskell, like her contemporary Emily Bronte, was from the north of England, though based in Lancashire and Cheshire rather than Yorkshire. Her first novel, Mary Barton 1848) was set in the north and was unusually realistic in its depiction of Manchester working-class life. Ruskin grew up in suburban London; in later life, he settled in the Lake District . The three volumes that comprise a set are facsimile reproductions of contemporary biographical material. They include letters, memoirs, poems and articles on three outstanding Victorian literary persons: John Ruskin, Elzabeth Gaskell and the Carlyles.