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This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1868 edition. Excerpt: ... chapter viii. the reform bill presented, march 1867. A Bill to amend the Representation introduced, 106.--Mr. Disraeli's eironeous statistics, 107.--Extension of the hortmgh franchise less under this Bill than under that of 1866, 108.--The Bill of 1867 would have increased the voting power of the wealthier classes, 118.--The irregular operation of the Bill, 120.--Mr. Gladstone's strictures on the scheme, 124.--The compound householders fined for their votes, 126.--Resolution of the Liberal party not to oppose the second reading, 133. On March 18, 1867, the Chancellor of the Exchequer asked leave to introduce a Bill to amend the laws relating to the representation of the people in Parliament. Omitting the parts of his speech which are merely rhetorical, the effect of it was as follows: --He referred to the final vote on the Reform Bill of the previous year. The House, in his opinion, decided ' that the being rated to the poor and the paying of rates constituted a fair assurance that the man who fulfilled those conditions was one likely to be characterised by regularity of life and general trustworthiness of conduct.' Accepting that decision, he proposed 'that we should establish the franchise in the boroughs on this principle: that any man who has occupied a house for two years and been rated to the relief of the poor and pays his rates--every householder under these conditions should enjoy the borough franchise. By that means the 237,000 persons who are now rated and pay their rates would of course be at once qualified.' He explained that there remain 486,000 who do not pay their rates personally because there are various local and general Acts of Hansard, vol. 186, col. 13. Parliament under which the landlord compounds for his tenants'...
“Magisterial. . . . The direct and indirect influence of the Monetary History would be difficult to overstate.”—Ben S. Bernanke, Nobel Prize–winning economist and former chair of the U.S. Federal Reserve From Nobel Prize–winning economist Milton Friedman and his celebrated colleague Anna Jacobson Schwartz, one of the most important economics books of the twentieth century—the landmark work that rewrote the story of the Great Depression and the understanding of monetary policy Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz’s A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 is one of the most influential economics books of the twentieth century. A landmark achievement, it marshaled massive historical data and sharp analytics to argue that monetary policy—steady control of the money supply—matters profoundly in the management of the nation’s economy, especially in navigating serious economic fluctuations. One of the book’s most important chapters, “The Great Contraction, 1929–33” addressed the central economic event of the twentieth century, the Great Depression. Friedman and Schwartz argued that the Federal Reserve could have stemmed the severity of the Depression, but failed to exercise its role of managing the monetary system and countering banking panics. The book served as a clarion call to the monetarist school of thought by emphasizing the importance of the money supply in the functioning of the economy—an idea that has come to shape the actions of central banks worldwide.