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To put the current crisis of capitalism--the third major one according to him--in historical perspective, Beaud (economics, U. of Paris VIII-Vincennes) reviews the development of the economic relation over the past five centuries. He focuses on such questions as the formation of political economy, capitalism's relationship with democracy and national development, and its increasing dominance of the world. The original French, Histoire du capitalisme de 1500 a 2000 was published by Editions du Seuil in 1981 and had been reprinted or revised four times by 2000; it is unclear which edition was translated here. No information is provided about Dickman or Lefebvre. c. Book News Inc.
To put the current crisis of capitalism--the third major one according to him--in historical perspective, Beaud (economics, U. of Paris VIII-Vincennes) reviews the development of the economic relation over the past five centuries. He focuses on such questions as the formation of political economy, capitalism's relationship with democracy and national development, and its increasing dominance of the world. The original French, Histoire du capitalisme de 1500 a 2000 was published by Editions du Seuil in 1981 and had been reprinted or revised four times by 2000; it is unclear which edition was translated here. No information is provided about Dickman or Lefebvre. c. Book News Inc.
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Primarily an economic history, this book also shows how the discipline of economics helps to understand politics, society, culture and history. This edition brings the work up to date to the end of the 20th century.
From the legendary former Fed Chairman and the acclaimed Economist writer and historian, the full, epic story of America's evolution from a small patchwork of threadbare colonies to the most powerful engine of wealth and innovation the world has ever seen. Shortlisted for the 2018 Financial Times and McKinsey Business Book of the Year Award From even the start of his fabled career, Alan Greenspan was duly famous for his deep understanding of even the most arcane corners of the American economy, and his restless curiosity to know even more. To the extent possible, he has made a science of understanding how the US economy works almost as a living organism--how it grows and changes, surges and stalls. He has made a particular study of the question of productivity growth, at the heart of which is the riddle of innovation. Where does innovation come from, and how does it spread through a society? And why do some eras see the fruits of innovation spread more democratically, and others, including our own, see the opposite? In Capitalism in America, Greenspan distills a lifetime of grappling with these questions into a thrilling and profound master reckoning with the decisive drivers of the US economy over the course of its history. In partnership with the celebrated Economist journalist and historian Adrian Wooldridge, he unfolds a tale involving vast landscapes, titanic figures, triumphant breakthroughs, enlightenment ideals as well as terrible moral failings. Every crucial debate is here--from the role of slavery in the antebellum Southern economy to the real impact of FDR's New Deal to America's violent mood swings in its openness to global trade and its impact. But to read Capitalism in America is above all to be stirred deeply by the extraordinary productive energies unleashed by millions of ordinary Americans that have driven this country to unprecedented heights of power and prosperity. At heart, the authors argue, America's genius has been its unique tolerance for the effects of creative destruction, the ceaseless churn of the old giving way to the new, driven by new people and new ideas. Often messy and painful, creative destruction has also lifted almost all Americans to standards of living unimaginable to even the wealthiest citizens of the world a few generations past. A sense of justice and human decency demands that those who bear the brunt of the pain of change be protected, but America has always accepted more pain for more gain, and its vaunted rise cannot otherwise be understood, or its challenges faced, without recognizing this legacy. For now, in our time, productivity growth has stalled again, stirring up the populist furies. There's no better moment to apply the lessons of history to the most pressing question we face, that of whether the United States will preserve its preeminence, or see its leadership pass to other, inevitably less democratic powers.
About the Book This book does not take a neutral stand on the issue of mass unemployment. It is an effort to expose capitalism's most outrageous feature - its compulsive need to use unemployment and the fear of unemployment to ensure the docility and subservience of its workers. Under the capitalist system, the stick of the fear of unemployment is necessary to keep workers' noses to the grindstone and make them perform to the satisfaction of their employers. The stick is needed because much work is boring, the carrot paid is less than a living wage, provides workers very little or no control over the work process, and stifles creativity - in short because the total carrot offered to numerous workers is so woefully inadequate. Under a different system, one in which working people participated fully in the decisions affecting what, how and for what purpose goods and services were produced; if we had a system based on economic democracy, there would be no need to use the stick of the fear of unemployment. The creativity of most of the millions of working people, now mostly dormant, would be awakened and the volume and quality of improvements and inventions especially in housing, energy, transit systems and health care would be so great as to tower high above and completely overshadow the number and purpose of the innovations created under the present system. The issue of unemployment is shrouded in half-truths and outright lies. As a result, there is almost total ignorance about the real causes of unemployment and worse still, about its very serious consequences. Many claim that there are enough jobs but that the unemployed are lazy and would rather be on welfare. While this may be true of a very small fraction of the unemployed, it is not true of the overwhelming majority. There have been numerous instances in which whenever advertisements calling for applicants for relatively well-paid jobs or for jobs that paid better than the minimum wage, the number of applicants that applied for those jobs were ten or more times greater than the number of jobs that were advertised. In September 26th of 1984, to mention just one instance, the Associated Press News Agency reported that "50,000 people lined up for 350 jobs." The report went on to say that "the applicants, some of whom waited in line for two days, hope to land a longshoreman's job paying $15.45 an hour or a marine clerk's job earning $17.45 an hour... However the fact that only 350 jobs are currently available didn't dismay the crowd, which queued up in a line in the San Pedro district [of Los Angeles] that stretched for 13 mile..." Clearly, the majority would rather have gainful employment at a living wage and live a life of dignity and integrity. Furthermore apart from the simple need to earn a living, productive employment is an indispensable part of the psychological makeup of human beings. Simply put, people want to feel useful. Prolonged joblessness is a serious threat to a person's self-esteem and destroying that self-esteem has appalling consequences. The ugly truth is that the system under which we live will not or cannot provide jobs for those who need them. The business class is simply not interested in full employment because mass unemployment provides them with many benefits. Among those benefits: a large pool of unemployed workers drives down the wages employers have to pay.
This study examines the development of Third World solidarity within the broader historical context of changing hegemonic power systems, from Pax Britannia to Pax Americana. Thomas focuses on the political, economic, and racial structures that are fundamental to hegemonic supremacy over peripheral and semiperipheral states, and he analyzes the divergent modes of Third World incorporation (subordination) into the world system. He concludes that the racial structure of global apartheid that dominated the world system during the colonial period is re-emerging under the rubric of a New World Order.
本书主要讲述1500年以前,诸文明各自发展、间或碰撞的历史。内容分为五编:史前人类、欧亚大陆的古典文明(公元500年之前)、欧亚大陆的中世纪文明(公元500-1500年)、1500年以前的非欧亚大陆世界、1500年以前诸孤立地区的世界。
A unique critique of the new economic and military imperialism of the United States and its allies in the twenty-first century. Inspired by the anti-globalization and anti-war movements, in which the author himself has played a crucial role, this is also an accessible introduction to the huge changes in global politics since the dominance of the American Empire with the end of the Cold War. It covers the key areas of: the nature of the new imperialism the economic power of the US globalization and inequality wars in the post Cold War era oil and empire resisting the new imperialism. This lively, provocative and practical book is an essential guide to the politics of the new world order, which also offers constructive suggestions on how the global resistance movement should develop. It is important new reading for activists, students and all those wanting to understand and challenge the new imperialism.