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Milt was instrumental in founding DSA's Atlanta chapter in 2006 and rooting it in the workplace and community struggles of poor and working class Atlantans, whether through anti-forclosure, anti-gentrification, or workplace struggles, using tactics from public education, to electoral organizing, to direct action. In his memoir, Milt details how the chapter's work contributed to the building of a vibrant progressive movement in Atlanta. -Maria Svart, national director, Democratic Socialists of America Milt understands that defending voting rights and fighting voter suppression are today's major civil rights challenges. In his memoir, immersing himself in social movements beginning the 60s, Milt documents the accounts of a legendary freedom fighter and what it may take to build a truly democratic society. -Helen Butler, executive director, Georgia Coalition for the People's Agenda I am so excited that Milt has finally written a memoir about his activist life, as we need to bridge the generational divide between activists now more than ever so that new generations can be supported to organize successful movements for justice. Milt has been a direct activist mentor for me-encouraging and validating me to envision, cofound, develop, and maintain an organization, AROMA, that works to support and mentor new activists so that we can pass the torch in the sacred tradition of unsung social justice heroism. Milt is not only dedicated, responsible, and gracious; he is also warm, loving, and generous with his attention. I am so honored to call him my friend and comrade and sing his praises. His memoir will be inspiring and informing to new activists for generations to come. -Misty Novich, founder, Activists Recruiting, Organizing, and Mentoring in Atlanta When I first met Milt, I was struck by how serious he was about building power, building organization, and winning for everyday people. At the time, the campaign he was working on was fighting bank foreclosures in Atlanta, and he wanted to make sure that Jobs with Justice would be involved. Milt agreed to reactivate the Atlanta JwJ chapter, because he understood the importance of working people leading their own battles at work and in their neighborhoods. Milt Tambor may never fully understand how much his leadership has fed my resilience and the resolve of so many other activists. That, indeed, is what makes him such a great organizer. -Erica Smiley, national director, Jobs with Justice This book was a joy to read. Milt lived social unionism fighting for workplace rights, community rights, and international rights! -Bob King, American lawyer and labor union activist and leader
First published 1935, this title presents a series of recollections, some intimately personal, others bearing on the great social, cultural and political issues that faced the Jews and the European population more generally during the first part of the twentieth century. The author specifically focuses on differing attitudes towards the rise of Socialism in Europe, and the fate of nineteenth-century politics in the face of the tumultuous revolutions and counter-revolutions that arose in the aftermath of the First World War.
A memoir of extraordinary scope, William Lloyd Stearman’s reminiscences will attract those interested in early aviation, World War II in the Pacific, life as a diplomat behind the Iron Curtain, the Vietnam War, and the ins and outs of national security decision-making in the White House. Stearman begins with a description of childhood as the son of aviation pioneer Lloyd Stearman. He then covers his naval combat experiences in the Pacific war and later struggles as one of the Navy’s youngest ship captains. Following graduate school, he moved to the front lines of the Cold War and writes about his life as a diplomat who negotiated with the Soviets, spent nine years in Berlin and Vienna, and was director of psychological operations in Vietnam. His reflections on seventeen years with the National Security Council at the White House are of special interest.
The Dictionary of Labour Biography has an outstanding reputation as a reference work for the study of nineteenth and twentieth century British history. Volume XIV maintains this standard of original and thorough scholarship. Each entry is written by a specialist drawing on an array of primary and secondary sources. The biographical essays engage with recent historiographical developments in the field of labour history. The scope of the volume emphasises the ethnic and national diversity of the British labour movement and neglected political traditions.
In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville predicted a "...species of oppression...[with] which democratic nations are menaced...unlike anything which ever before existed in the world..." It was a despotism that "...would be more extensive and...would degrade men without tormenting them." It would be a force that "...compresses, enervates, extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each...is reduced to be nothing better than a flock of timid...animals, of which the government is the shepherd." Tocqueville was predicting socialism in America, a new form of oppression that did not exist in his time. He could not name it at the time because the word socialism had not yet appeared in the English language and Karl Marx had not yet published his Communist Manifesto. America has become a socialist state and this book is about what socialism is doing to America today. Socialism is an oppression that has caused America to discard the rule of law, forsake justice, limit freedom, attenuate individuality, create dependence, degrade social norms, attack sources of wealth, and divide the culture. This form of despotic totalitarianism has irreversibly commenced the destruction of American culture and nation. Socialism in America offers the reader the perspective of and how and why this is happening. It explains the history of socialism, and in particular the history of socialism in America. It discusses the roles of socialism's foremost vectors, which are primarily the unions and Democratic Party. It critically dissects the philosophy of socialism itself and examines other countries' struggles to survive under the heavy socialist boot. Every freedom-loving American should read this book.
The early years of the twentieth century are often thought of as socialism’s first heyday in the United States, when the Socialist Party won elections across the country and Eugene Debs ran for president from a prison cell, winning more than 900,000 votes. Less well-known is the socialist revival of the 1930s. Radicalized by the contradiction of crushing poverty and unimaginable wealth that existed side by side during the Great Depression, socialists built institutions, organized the unemployed, extended aid to the labor movement, developed local political movements, and built networks that would remain active in the struggle against injustice throughout the twentieth century. Jake Altman brings this overlooked moment in the history of the American left into focus, highlighting the leadership of women, the development of the Highlander Folk School and Soviet House, and the shift from revolutionary rhetoric to pragmatic reform by the close of the decade. As another socialist revival takes shape today, this book lays the groundwork for a more nuanced history of the movement in the United States.
The texts in this collection of 10 volumes demonstrate both the diversity and continuity in British theories of democratic socialism. The selection encompasses the Ricardian socialists, the Christian socialists, and the Fabian socialists. Volume 6 includes ‘A Grammar of Politics’ by Harold Laski.
This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. The search for social democracy has not been an easy one over the last three decades. The economic crisis of the 1970s, and the consequent rise of neo-liberalism, confronted social democrats with difficult new circumstances: tax-resistant electorates, the globalisation of capital and Western deindustrialisation. In response, a new bout of ideological revisionism consumed social democratic parties. But did this revisionism simply amount to a neo-liberalisation of the Left or did it propose a recognisably social democratic agenda? Were these ideological adaptations the only feasible ones or were there other forms of modernisation that might have yielded greater strategic dividends for the Left? Why did some social democratic parties feel it necessary to take their revisionism much further than others? In search of social democracy brings together prominent scholars of social democracy to address these questions. Focusing on the social democratic heartland of Western Europe (although Australia and the United States also figure in the analysis), it gives the first detailed assessment of how the new social democratic revisionism has fared in government. The book begins by considering the underlying causes of the end of social democracy’s golden age and the magnitude of the challenges faced by social democratic parties after the 1970s. It then proceeds to examine detailed case studies of how particular social democratic parties responded to this changed political terrain. Finally, it contributes to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of ‘third way’ social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century. The contributors offer a variety of perspectives – some are sceptical of social democracy’s prospects, others more sanguine; some supportive of the performance of social democratic parties in government, others bitingly critical. But they are united by the conviction that the themes addressed in this book are crucial to understanding the current politics of the industrialised world and, in particular, to determining the feasibility of more egalitarian and democratic social outcomes than have been possible so far in the era of neo-liberalism.