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2012-Democracy In Danger : If you don't vote, America is not the democracy we claim it to be
Many current events in the world are increasingly being discussed as pointing towards democracy in crisis. This book contributes in a systematic manner to the discussion on democracy with a close look at democracy in practice in a global perspective, highlighting challenges from within andoutside. Issues such as crisis in democratic leadership, fragile state of democratic institutions, populism, caudillism, and dynasty rule are discussed, along with threats of authoritarianism to the democratic order. In addition, questions have been raised whether the West has failed and whetherleaders such as Gandhi and Havel can help us to leave the era of post-truth behind us in order to create a humane order with reason, conscience, and responsibility. This book includes the contributions of twenty contributors from different parts of the world (viz. Costa Rica, Czech Republic, Egypt, India, Iran, Israel, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, Taiwan, Turkey, UK, and USA). Though there are no contributors from Russia and China these countries are discussed atlength in more than one paper. Among the contributors are academics, counsellors, diplomats, journalists, political leaders, and other thought leaders. The papers are up to date until the time of the American presidential election.
2020 PROSE Award Finalist This book explores the recent international decline in democracy and the psychological appeal of authoritarianism in the context of rapid globalization. The rise of populist movements and leaders across the globe has produced serious and unexpected challenges to human rights and freedoms. By understanding the psychological foundations of the surge in populism and authoritarian leadership, we can better develop ways to nurture and safeguard democracy. Why and how do authoritarian leaders gain popular support? In this book, social psychologist Fathali M. Moghaddam discusses the stages of political development on the continuum from absolute dictatorship to the ideal of actualized democracy. He explains how "fractured globalization" - by which technological and economic forces push societies toward greater global unification, while social identity needs pull individuals back into tribal identification - can produce a turn toward dictatorship, even in previously democratic societies. The book concludes with potential solutions to the rise of authoritarian leaders and ways to strengthen democracy.
Historically, Donald Trump will be remembered as the first American president to be impeached twice and indicted. He fed the grotesque myth that the election was stolen and summoned his supporters to storm Congress on 6 January 2021 in a bid to thwart the certification of Joe Biden's U.S. presidential election victory. This volume vividly recounts the dramatic narrative of the January 6 Coup in America and how close we came to losing U.S. democracy. For anyone seeking a comprehensive and multidisciplinary global overview of democracy, an astute analysis of the forces that drive the dominance of the (neo)liberal paradigm of the last decades should look no further than this volume. Yet the volume takes the issue further by vigorously documenting the decline of the U.S. treaty process (America’s dysfunctional diplomacy and the doctrine of unpredictability). There is an urgent need for a massive infusion of strategic support for democracy in the United States. Because come 2024 or thereafter an unfinished work might drag American democracy to a dangerous inflection point. Trump (who has a complete hold on the Republican party, still has a stranglehold on the MAGA base no matter what he does, was instrumental to the breaking of U.S. diplomacy. Undermining the democratic legitimacy of International Law adversely affected U.S. foreign policy. Some federal and lower courts in the judiciary of the United States pose a real threat to Americans’ democracy as well. To that end, when ‘the principle of truth’ loses its relevance and meaning as benchmarks for appraisals and decisions, and becomes a harmful tool for willful propaganda. Everybody should be worried about U.S. democracy. A "real" crisis is coming! U.S. Democracy is at a breaking point. Like a giant modern mirror standing behind democracy itself, this book is a citizen's guide to saving U.S. Democracy. Expertly drawn on global and regional examples and current literature, the volume closes a gap in the multidisciplinary field. Quite useful as a valuable resource as it helps us understand the shifting Trump agenda in diverse areas. Essential reference across a range of subjects, bringing together contributions from scholars, and policymakers alike. This extraordinarily well-researched and practically crafted, culture-inclusive text could not be more relevant or timelier. It is a must for everyone. This volume will help to shape the political landscape of the 21st century and will remain a vital source of inspiration for modern-day scholars and political activists.
Freedom in the World, the Freedom House flagship survey whose findings have been published annually since 1972, is the standard-setting comparative assessment of global political rights and civil liberties. The survey ratings and narrative reports on 195 countries and fifteen territories are used by policymakers, the media, international corporations, civic activists, and human rights defenders to monitor trends in democracy and track improvements and setbacks in freedom worldwide. The Freedom in the World political rights and civil liberties ratings are determined through a multi-layered process of research and evaluation by a team of regional analysts and eminent scholars. The analysts used a broad range of sources of information, including foreign and domestic news reports, academic studies, nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, individual professional contacts, and visits to the region, in conducting their research. The methodology of the survey is derived in large measure from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and these standards are applied to all countries and territories, irrespective of geographical location, ethnic or religious composition, or level of economic development.
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Levinson here argues that too many of our Constitution's provisions promote either unjust or ineffective government. Under the existing blueprint, we can neither rid ourselves of incompetent presidents nor assure continuity of government following catastrophic attacks. Worse, our Constitution is the most difficult to amend or update in the world. Levinson boldly challenges the Americans to undertake a long overdue public discussion on how they might best reform this most hallowed document and construct a constitution adequate to our democratic values.
Why democracy is the most effective form of government despite irrational (and sometime oblivious) voters and flawed (and sometimes inept) politicians. Voters often make irrational decisions based on inaccurate and irrelevant information. Politicians are often inept, corrupt, or out of touch with the will of the people. Elections can be determined by the design of the ballot and the gerrymandered borders of a district. And yet, despite voters who choose candidates according to the boxer–brief dichotomy and politicians who struggle to put together a coherent sentence, democracy works exceptionally well: citizens of democracies are healthier, happier, and freer than citizens of other countries. In Democracy Despite Itself, Danny Oppenheimer, a psychologist, and Mike Edwards, a political scientist, explore this paradox: How can democracy lead to such successful outcomes when the defining characteristic of democracy—elections—is so flawed? Oppenheimer and Edwards argue that democracy works because regular elections, no matter how flawed, produce a variety of unintuitive, positive consequences. The brilliance of democracy, write Oppenheimer and Edwards, does not lie in the people's ability to pick superior leaders. It lies in the many ways that it subtly encourages the flawed people and their flawed leaders to work toward building a better society.
By democracy we usually mean a government comprising popular rule, individual human rights and freedom, and a free-market economy. Yet the flaws in traditional Athenian democracy can instruct us on the weaknesses of that first element of modern democracies shared with Athens: rule by all citizens equally. In Democracy's Dangers & Discontents, Bruce Thornton discusses those criticisms first aired by ancient critics of Athenian democracy, then traces the historical process by which the Republic of the founders has evolved into something similar to ancient democracy, and finally argues for the relevance of those critiques to contemporary U.S. policy. He asserts that many of the problems we face today are the consequences of the increasing democratization of our government and that the flaws of democracy are unlikely to be corrected. He argues that these dangers and discontents do not have to end in soft despotism—that American democracy's aptitude and strength can be recovered by restoring the limited government of the founders.